Began Breitbart, “If the political left weren’t so joyless, humorless, intrusive, taxing, overtaxing, anarchistic, controlling, rudderless, chaos-prone, pedantic, unrealistic, hypocritical, clueless, politically correct, angry, cruel, sanctimonious, retributive, redistributive, intolerant – and if the political left weren’t so [expletive deleted] bent on expansion of said unpleasantness into all aspects of my family’s life – the truth is, I would not be in your life.”
The book was one of those affirmations one needs from time to time to remind him he’s not the only one with a conscience. Although many things are going haywire in the country, Breitbart focuses on the problems caused intentionally by adherents to the Frankfurt school of thought. One Frankfurter, Max Horkheimer, invented something he called critical theory, which taught one ought to be “suspicious of the very categories of better, useful, appropriate, productive, and valuable.”
My Christmas present was full of marginal notes from my genius sister, one of which responded to that philosophy with, “So, while the (pseudo) intellectual left was worming its ideas about the total breakdown of civilized status into the minds and hearts of the mush-brained youth by telling them to ‘question authority,’ and to reject status-quo definitions of ‘civilized’ and ‘society’ in the quest for some utopia of shifting character and definition – how amazing, yet somehow expected, that the youth never called them out to question THEIR authority.”
Another Frankfurter was Herbert Marcuse, the father of political correctness. Breitbart wrote, “Marcuse’s mission was to dismantle American society by using diversity and ‘multiculturalism’ as crowbars with which to pry the structure apart, piece by piece.” Marcuse aimed to “set all ‘victim groups’ in opposition to the society at large;” victim groups were to be the new proletariat.
A third Frankfurter bent on destroying America from within was Saul Alinsky, now famously exposed for authoring Rules for Radicals, the playbook to which luminaries like Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton ascribe. Therein lie several planks which help explain how Clinton walks all over the mass media, without remorse or apology, relying on the collective amnesia of the American public. Among Alinsky’s thirteen steps to Faustian power are: (4) Hold them to their own standards; we are all sinners, but the conscientious will buckle with shame while moral relativists have no reason to flinch; and (9) Threaten but don’t be threatened, because threats are usually worse than reality but the masses typically don’t know this.
Among other advice, Alinsky says to lie, lie, lie, lie, and lie. In a third epigraph on the first page of Rules for Radicals, Alinsky quotes himself giving a shout-out to the Prince of Darkness himself, as a radical who “rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom.” Nuff said on that.
The Frankfurt School was Marxist, but its adherents knew Americans loved God and country too much to convert, so they had to soften the message. The strategy was to attack from within, since the First Amendment to the Constitution charges government with protecting the very rights the Frankfurters would use to destroy the country.
Breitbart says we’re in a “war for the soul of the nation, and perhaps the world.” It is the eternal struggle between freedom and statism. Today’s progressives see government, not the individual, as the end all and be all. President Obama with his pen and his phone seeks to use the power entrusted in him to manage outcomes, or ends, rather than rightfully protecting the means citizens may use to pursue their dreams in justice and fairness. The end of the road is a tyrannical state of miserable equality rather than a road of hope with endless personal possibility.
America’s founders, like Benjamin Rush, argued, “without virtue there can be no liberty.” Frankfurters and their ilk agree and so attack everything Judeo-Christian. The media, education systems, and art aspire to irreverence or, at best, pointlessness. They say all morality is relative while insisting Western culture is exploitive. The contradiction is fine because logic is out the window, too. The left, Breitbart observes, has shut down debate, replacing it with narrative. Words are continually redefined consistent with the Frankfurter objective “to make society totally unworkable by making everything basically meaningless.”
Breitbart argues that, in the course of human events, “Hollywood is more important than Washington.” But he likens the Democrat-Media Complex to the Matrix. One of his greatest successes was the first time he stood his ground on TV. Flattered to be invited back on a late-night leftist show, he decided this time to be himself come what may. It was liberating and a great way bring like minds out of the woodwork. He describes as self-loathing people intimidated into not expressing their true consciences.
The book recounts a number of adventures Breitbart underwent as an Internet news compiler and voice for conservatism. At a time when it was apparent something sinister was afoot “registering Democrats to vote, signing people on to public assistance in the name of social justice;” he played a role in slaying the dragon. Because he knew the left’s playbook, he controlled the release of James O’Keefe’s incriminating videos in a manner that called the lies of a big cover-up and had member of Congress calling for the defunding of ACORN. The story is a thrilling adventure of victory and vindication.
Breitbart counsels, “Walk toward the fire. Don’t worry about being called a racist, a homophobe, a sociopath, a violent heteronormative xenophobe with fascistic impulses. They say all those things about you because they’re keeping you inside the Complex, forcing you to respond to their playbook. . . . But if you keep going, if you tell them you can stop their verbal bullets and keep walking, you’ll send messages to people who are rooting for you, who agree with you.”